Lord, make us whole again, all of us, make us human again,forgive us for we have sinned, and Lord,guide them to see me for who I am, becauseI, too yearn for peace, because I drop poems, not bombs.May it be so!
My Jihad My Way Of Peace Pdf Download
Dear Mr. Cole, I have read majority of your research articles on a variety of subjects, mostly at Truthdig.com. Your articles have helped me understand my religion (Islam) and appreciate the beliefs of others. I send you my prayers of peace and health.
To say peace is long way off is a bitter truth; indeed, the nuclear arms race in the Islamic world does not bode well for the future. How Muslims find a road to peace in the Muslim world begins with leadership that speaks of peace first and demands an end to all this bloody history. A call to fundamentally recast the Islamic world into a truly peaceful future has never been more necessary or, sadly, further away.
For world peace in the present times of materialist miseries, we need citizen-based organisations like the Alhikmah Foundation for multi-track diplomacy for preventing conflict of any kind at any level of operation in any economy of the world, including India with Global Peace Index based on 23 indicators. The measurement of the level of peace as an index of progress and happiness in every nation, state, district, village and city is the need of the day. We need to place peace above everything which is the sermon of all religions in the world.
A close reading with rapt attention of the Hindi version of the bilingual Urdu book of 190 pages, developed in six chapters, removes many misconceptions in the mind of the reviewer about Islam as religion based on the Quran, which is full of sermons for peace and do not promote tmanagement.f any kind as wrongly perceived by some with vested interests. It can safely be said that there is evidence on the basis of which the learned writer has been able to prove Quran as a comprehensive religious book promoting peace. It is full of lessons for the Muslims to be kind hearted, humble and faithful citizens to become true ambassadors of peace. The comprehensive discussions on the concept of peace with similar meanings of peace are fully explained in the first and second chapter.
The importance of peace which flows from the Quran is the subject matter of chapter three. The methods to achieve peace have been fully explained in chapter four. The knowledge of the obstacles, hurdles and impediments in the path of peace can be obtained from chapter five. We can make every possible effort to create a peaceful society with the cooperation of the sermons from the Quran in chapter six. The bilingual nature of the book is the unique feature which is its beauty for strengthening the Hindu-Muslim relationship.
Peace in every head and heart is essential in the present world of stress and tensions caused by commercialisation and spiritual bankruptcy. The domain of peace starts from an individual to, family, city or village, district, state, nation and the world levels.
There is a direct correlation between peace and performance of any economy at all levels of operation. The peaceful societies ensure intra-generation, inter-generation equity and wellbeing freedoms with high level of per capita income.
The price and value of peace in the present scenario of inflation is more than anything else which is capable of reducing costs, expansion of market with strategic planning for investment leading to inclusive growth in India.
To serve the people, we need transformation (change in the mindset) in a big manner with higher investments in education and health which is capable of reducing other expenditures on police and prison personnel and to be called static peace.
Let us encourage peace as an essential input of growth in various sectors of the economy. Let peace economics be identified as a separate branch of economics which justifies Nobel Prize for Peace to an economist like Mohammad Yunus (2006) of Bangladesh providing micro finance with empathy ( not sympathy) for the vulnerable sections of the society consisting of women and beggars.
What is jihad? Does it mean violence, as many non-Muslims assume? Or does it mean peace, as some Muslims insist? Because jihad is closely associated with the early spread of Islam, today's debate about the origin and meaning of jihad is nothing less than a struggle over Islam itself. In Jihad in Islamic History, Michael Bonner provides the first study in English that focuses on the early history of jihad, shedding much-needed light on the most recent controversies over jihad. To some, jihad is the essence of radical Islamist ideology, a synonym for terrorism, and even proof of Islam's innate violence. To others, jihad means a peaceful, individual, and internal spiritual striving. Bonner, however, shows that those who argue that jihad means only violence or only peace are both wrong. Jihad is a complex set of doctrines and practices that have changed over time and continue to evolve today. The Quran's messages about fighting and jihad are inseparable from its requirements of generosity and care for the poor. Jihad has often been a constructive and creative force, the key to building new Islamic societies and states. Jihad has regulated relations between Muslims and non-Muslims, in peace as well as in war. And while today's "jihadists" are in some ways following the "classical" jihad tradition, they have in other ways completely broken with it. Written for general readers who want to understand jihad and its controversies, Jihad in Islamic History will also interest specialists because of its original arguments.
Benjaminsen, Tor Arve & Boubacar Ba (2018) Why do pastoralists in Mali join jihadist groups? A political ecological explanation, The Journal of Peasant Studies. DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2018.1474457.
JNIM is a coalition of four jihadist groups formed in 2017 that operates from rural strongholds scattered throughout northern and central Mali. It is an al-Qaeda affiliate, but most of its constituent elements are under Malian command. For a time, JNIM made significant headway in capturing territory, but the conflict appears to have reached an impasse, with both sides inflicting and incurring heavy losses. The coalition nominally seeks to impose its ultra-conservative interpretation of Islam on both state and society. In practice, however, the militants have thus far adopted a largely pragmatic approach, ruling through a system of shadow governance that allows for a degree of local autonomy. They have also agreed to ad hoc ceasefires with self-defence militias. These agreements secured at least a temporary lull in combat in several areas.
To this end, the Malian government and the jihadists can take steps to bolster their commitment to peace talks. Malian authorities should seize upon fatigue with the anti-jihadist fight as an opportunity to take the lead in promoting efforts toward a political settlement. Four concrete measures could render dialogue a more viable option:
The conflict between the Malian state and JNIM is locked in a stalemate as neither side appears capable of achieving military victory. Bamako struggles to contain the insurgency despite the efforts of Malian troops, the G5 Sahel joint forces, the French Barkhane mission and, more recently, the European Task Force Takuba. The UN peacekeeping mission in Mali, MINUSMA, while not a counter-terrorism force, has also frequently clashed with JNIM fighters.[fn]MINUSMA is officially a stabilisation force, but some of its outposts are located in JNIM strongholds and are frequent militant targets.Hide Footnote
As ethnic violence surged, the protagonists have tacitly encouraged talks among local JNIM offshoots, communal leaders and self-defence militias to calm tensions. Communal leaders and mediation NGOs often led such initiatives.[fn]Jihadists typically hide out in the bush while their wives stay behind in the village. Women therefore often serve as intermediaries between their spouses and mediators. In the Koro discussions, Fulani and Dogon women facilitated the first contact between jihadists and militiamen. Crisis Group interview, Koro agreement mediator, Niamey, February 2021.Hide Footnote While the Malian government took part in some negotiations by sending emissaries and supporting mediators, it did not sign any agreements.[fn]Crisis Group interview, Niono agreement mediator, Bamako, November 2020.Hide Footnote Most negotiations focused on protecting civilians, facilitating the return of displaced persons, lifting jihadist blockades and clearing checkpoints to allow locals to reach their farms or travel to markets.
The Niono agreement illustrates the evolving dynamics of local peace talks between JNIM offshoots and ethnic militias.[fn]The local JNIM offshoots engage in these dialogues with the blessing of their katiba leader, who allows them a certain latitude in conducting talks. Crisis Group interview, mediator in local peace talks, Bamako, November 2020.Hide Footnote Since 2017, over a dozen similar initiatives have taken place involving JNIM bands and residents in northern and central Mali. In 2017, community leaders in Kidal brokered talks between Ansar Dine and members of a squad affiliated with the Tuareg separatist Movement for the Liberation of Azawad that participated in French counter-terrorism efforts. The talks resulted in a non-aggression pact that significantly calmed tensions in the region.[fn]Crisis Group interview, former member of this unit, Niamey, May 2021.Hide Footnote Similarly, in central Mali, JNIM affiliates, on one side, and Dogon and Bambara militiamen, on the other, signed several peace deals, including in Ké-Macina in 2019, and in Koro, Bandiagara and Niono in 2020 and 2021.
The Malian government and JNIM leadership could send a clear signal about their intentions by appointing credible negotiators. These teams should define negotiation strategies and priorities. Given the range of potential topics, mediation teams should include senior political leaders, Islamic scholars and other notables.[fn]Political elites could translate jihadist demands into politically acceptable terms and respond accordingly. The government also needs to bring in Islamic scholars because religion is an entry point for dialogue. Religious leaders have credibility when discussing Sharia-based demands. Traditional notables such as chiefs sometimes have family ties to jihadist leaders.Hide Footnote 2ff7e9595c
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